Aurangzeb demolished Ram temple in Ayodhya: Kishore Kunal’s Ayodhya revisited book (2016)

April 2, 2017
PTI | Jun 19, 2016, 05.33 PM IST
This work of monumental research is a treatise on Ayodhya with utmost authenticity and absolute accuracy. Based on original sources and scientific investigation it propounds a new thesis, which demolishes many popular perceptions. It exonerates the intrepid warrior Babur from the charge of demolishing a temple on the birth-site of Rama and constructing the mosque which has been a source of contention and dissension for long. It further shows how inscriptions in the mosque were factitious and Mir Baqi of inscriptions is a fictitious person different from Baqi Tashkindi/Shegawal of the Baburnama. The book produces incontrovertible evidence which indubitably proves that there existed a Rama temple…
NEW DELHI: At a time when the Ayodhya issue+ is back in spotlight ahead of the UP polls next year, a book penned by a former IPS officer has claimed that the Ram temple+ was not demolished during the reign of Babar but of Aurangzeb.

Quoting from old files during British period, some ancient Sanskrit texts and reviews of archaeological excavation, the book has attempted to project that a Ram Janmabhoomi temple+ did exist in Ayodhya before a mosque was built on it.

The book “Ayodhya Revisited”, written by Kishore Kunal, a former Gujarat cadre IPS officer of 1972 batch, propounds a new thesis about the period of the mosque’s construction and seeks to demolish earlier beliefs on the issue.

Kunal hails from Bihar and is known there for his stint as a police officer and later as Administrator and President of Bihar Board of Religious Trusts.

He was Officer on Special Duty in Home Ministry and officially associated with the Ayodhya dispute in 1990 before the disputed structure was razed to the ground. After retirement, he was vice chancellor of KSD Sanskrit University Darbhanga.

Former Chief Justice of India G B Patnaik has written the foreword of the book in which he says that the author has given a “new dimension to the history of Ayodhya” and establishes several facts, which are contrary to the common beliefs and also the opinions of several historians.

The book says the “demolition of the temple” did not take place in 1528 AD (during Babar’s regime) but in 1660 AD when Fedai Khan was the Governor of Aurangzeb in Ayodhya.

Kunal has held the inscriptions on the disputed site to be fake and tried to prove that the conclusions drawn by a number of historians on the basis of it are wrong.

“It is wrong to say that Babar ordered the demolition of the Ram Janmabhoomi Temple at Ayodhya. He never visited Ayodhya. The claim of the historians that Mir Baqi, the then governor of Awadh, got the Babri mosque constructed in 1528 is fictitious,” he says.

Kunal goes on to argue that Mughal rulers right from Babur to Shahjahan were quite liberal and extended patronage to all religions. “All the Mughal emperors from Babur to Shahjahan were magnanimous and liberal rulers and the Bairagis of Ayodhya enjoyed patronage of the first four nawabs of Awadh.

“However, during the long rule of Aurangzeb, the country was engulfed in the fire of fanaticism,” he says in the book.

Kunal argues that Babar under no circumstances visited Ayodhya or ordered demolition of the Ram Janmabhoomi Temple there. He says that the claim of historians that Mir Baqi, the then governor of Oudh, had the Babri mosque built in 1528 is also fictitious.

He has also quoted from Father Joseph Tieffenthaler, an Austrailain traveller who visited India and remained here for more than two decades, that he was told by the locals that the demolition was carried out by Aurangzeb.

Quoting Sanskrit, English and French scholars, Kunal has tried to establish that a temple did exist at the site in question at Ayodhya. The author has heavily relied upon literary sources of foreign travel accounts and archaeological excavation reports.

In the foreword, Patnaik says the accounts of Western scholars Thomas Herbert, Joannes De Laet and C Mentelle have been produced for the first time while writing the history of Ayodhya.

“It is a historical fact that until the British takeover of Awadh administration in 1858, both the Hindus and Muslims used to perform puja and offer Namaz respectively,” he says.

The author has expressed hope that this book will transform the thinking of people on the Ayodhya issue and remove the toxin of communal canard in the country.

Accusing historians of both shades “established” and “enthusiasistic”, euphemism for historians with left-wing and right-wing orientations, of having done “injustice” to the writing of history on Ayodhya dispute, Kunal claims that through this book he has tried to “expose” them.

Claiming that the existence of a temple at the disputed site in past is based not on beliefs but on impeachable evidence, he claims that this also found an echo in the judgement of the Allahabad High Court and hoped that it will now put quietus to the disquieting dispute.

 The book has come at a time when politics is in full swing for UP polls.

BJP MP Subramanian Swam+ y recently said the construction work for the temple will start soon, while Union Minister Uma Bharti has said the issue of there being a Ram Janmasthan+ at the site was now a settled issue after the Allahabad HC said undisputedly that the dome in the middle is of Ramlalla.

Bharti has claimed the dispute now remains was only over land which can be resolved through dialogue or legislation.

In September 2010, a three-judge bench of Allahabad High Court, comprising Justices SU Khan, Sudhir Agarwal and D V Sharma, had ruled that the disputed land be split into three parts. It had said that the portion below the central dome under which the idols of Ram and other gods were placed, belonged to Hindus.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Ram-temple-in-Ayodhya-was-demolished-by-Aurangzeb-Book/articleshow/52820267.cms?utm_source=COLUMBIA&utm_medium=COLUMBIA&utm_campaign=COLUMBIA
Advertisements

Hooded serpent hypertext signifies phaṇi ‘lead or zinc’, paṇi ‘merchant, market’

April 1, 2017

Mirror: http://tinyurl.com/kwp6r9o

Sindhu-Sarasvati (Bhārati) Script cipher is logo-semantic representation of hypertexts using rebus principle to represent Meluhha image words and substantive meanings related to wealth-creation activities. Thus, the cipher protocol is HTTP, hypertext transfer protocol which is explained by Vātsyāyana as mlecchita vikalpa (Meluhha cipher) in Vidyāsamuddeśa which lists 64 arts including three related to semantics: akṣara muṣṭika kathanam (wrist-finger narrative), desabhāṣā jñānam (knowledge of dialects) and mlecchita vikalpa (cipher-writing).

The significance of the four-hooded serpent over the membrum virile of the charioteer on Daimabad bronze utsava bera is realized as hypertext in Meluhha.  bhar̥kanu ‘rise of penis’ rebus: bhaṭa ‘furnace, smelter’ PLUS phaṇin ‘hood of serpent’ rebus: phaṇi ‘lead, zinc merchant’. thus, together, the hypertext reads: merchant of lead, zinc smelter (products). This reading is consistent with the other hieroglyphs on the Daimabad bronze chariot: pōlaḍu ‘black drongo’ rebus: pōlaḍa ‘steel’ PLUS dula ‘pair’ rebus: dul ‘metal casting’, thus steel metalcasting; pōla ‘bos indicus, zebu’ rebus: pōla ‘magnetite, ferrite ore’ PLUS mēṇḍhā A crook or curved end rebus: meḍ ‘iron, metal’ (Ho.) The utsava bera Daimabad chariot is thus a calling card of detailing the charioteer’s professional competences as smelter, ironworker, metalworker. Semantic reinforcement of a synonym: kulyā ‘hood of serpent’ rebus: kol ‘working in iron’, kolhe ‘smelter’.

daimabad4.JPG

 

The same logo-semantic cipher is applicable to the nāga worshippers/soldiers (bhar̥a), celebrating the fiery, flaming pillar topped by kambhar̥ā ‘fish-fin’ rebus: kammaṭa ‘mint, coiner, coinage’. naga1.jpgnaga2.jpg

B. bhaṛ ʻ soldier, servant, nom. prop. ʼ, bhaṛil ʻ servant, hero ʼ; Bhoj. bhar ʻ name of a partic. low caste ʼ; G. bhaṛ m. ʻ warrior, hero, opulent person ʼ, adj. ʻ strong, opulent ʼ, ubhaṛ m. ʻ landless worker ʼ (G. cmpd. with u — , ʻ without ʼ, i.e. ʻ one without servants ʼ?); Si. beḷē ʻ soldier ʼ < *baḷaya, st. baḷa — ; — Pk. bhuaga — m. ʻ worshipper in a temple ʼ,(CDIAL 9588)

It is submitted that the hypertexts on Daimabad chariot and hypertexts on the Amaravati sculptural friezes convey the same logo-semantics related to the worship of the fiery, flaming pillar as a signifier of Ta. kampaṭṭam coinage, coin. Ma. kammaṭṭam, kammiṭṭam coinage, mint. Ka. kammaṭa id.; kammaṭi a coiner.(DEDR 1236).kammata1.JPG

phaṇa1 m. ʻ expanded hood of snake (esp. of cobra) ʼ MBh. 2. *phēṇa — 2. [Cf. phaṭa — , *phēṭṭa — 2 and *phaṇati2. — For mng. ʻ shoulder — blade ʼ &c. cf. association of shape in phaṇāphalaka — Bhartr̥. ~ aṁsaphalaká — ŚBr. and cf. phēna — n. ʻ cuttlefish bone ʼ Car.]
1. Pa. phaṇa — m. ʻ expanded hood of snake ʼ, Pk. phaṇa — m., °ṇā — f.; Wg. paṇ — šī ʻ big snake ʼ (+šai ʻ head ʼ? NTS xvii 287); K. phan m. ʻ expanded hood of snake ʼ, S. phaṇi f., L.awāṇ. phaṇ, P. phaṇ, °ṇu f., ludh. phan m., WPah. (Joshi) faṇ m., Ku. phaṇ, °ṇi, N. phani, A. phanā, B. phan, °nā, Or. phaṇā̆, Mth.phanā, Bhoj. phan, H. phan, °nā m., G. phe (< *phaṇi), phaṇī f., M. phaṇ m., °ṇī f., Si. paṇa, peṇa. — S. phaṇi f. ʻ shoulderblade ʼ; H. phanī f. ʻ wedge ʼ; G. phaṇɔ m. ʻ fore part of foot ʼ.2. A. phenā ʻ expanded hood of snake ʼ, Or. pheṇā̆.phaṇin — , phaṇakara — .phaṇá — 2 ʻ froth ʼ see phāṇita — .Addenda: phaṇa — 1: S.kcch. phaṇ f. ʻ snake’s hood, front part of foot ʼ, phaṇī f. ʻ weaver’s toothed instrument for pressing and closing the woof ʼ; WPah.kṭg. phɔ́ṇ m. ʻ cobra’s hood ʼ; Garh. phaṇ ʻ snake’s hood ʼ.(CDIAL 9042) phaṇin ʻ hooded (of snake, esp. cobra) ʼ Kathās. [phaṇá — 1]
Pk. phaṇi — m. ʻ snake ʼ; P. phaṇī ʻ flat — headed (of snake) ʼ; A. phanī ʻ snake ʼ; Or. phaṇī ʻ hooded ʼ, sb. ʻ snake ʼ; H. phanī ʻ hooded ʼ; G. phaṇī m. ʻ snake ʼ, Si. paṇiya.(CDIAL 9046).

S. Kalyanaraman

Sarasvati Research Center April 1, 2017


‘Breaking India’ forces at work in Tamil Nadu — Aravindan Neelakandan

March 31, 2017

‘Breaking India’ Forces At Work In Tamil Nadu: Why Development Projects Are Leaving The State

Aravindan Neelakandan

Mar 31, 2017, 4:28 pm

tn.jpg

A Marxist-Islamist-evangelist axis is quietly operating against developmental and scientific projects in Tamil Nadu.

Starting with the jallikattu agitation this January, which began with pride and ended in notoriety, Tamil Nadu has been witnessing a spate of protests over development projects.

Soon after the jallikattu protests came the agitation in Neduvasal against the hydrocarbon exploration project, which was opposed tooth and nail by activists. The aim here, it seems, is to obstruct all central government projects in Tamil Nadu.

Fanning the flames in these cases is not just social media but nearly all 24×7 television channels in Tamil Nadu, which almost uncritically project these protests as acts to save the natural resources of the state against the centre.

Case 1: INO

The India-based Neutrino Observatory (INO) is a particle physics research facility to study neutrinos. The Bodi Hills region in Tamil Nadu is well-suited to study these particles. Exciting possibilities abound in this research. India has earlier had the glory of detecting neutrinos produced in cosmic rays. That was in 1965 at the Kolar Gold Fields (KGF). Naturally, this new installation of the INO would have brought more laurels to the country and made India a proud partner of the global neutrino research community.

However, a baseless rumour, which said that the proposed INO lab would be a nuclear waste facility, spread widely. The project director in a press release (March 2014) regretted that such rumours were being spread deliberately. He expressed dismay at “attempts by certain section of the media and prominent political personalities to continually mislead the public.” Without mincing words, he said such rumour-mongering was “at best poor reporting, and at worst deliberate and malicious”. Now, the science complex which could have made Tamil Nadu a cutting-edge science hub is all set to leave the state.

Case 2: Hydrocarbon exploration project

Then there is the hydrocarbon project. The resistance to it poses a setback to India in energy self-sufficiency. What’s more important is that in the coming years, as China and Japan opt for methane hydrates – a real energy gold, India may be handicapped because of these constant protests. Fear of continued agitation will turn India away from exploring these resources or developing local, geography-based technological expertise. Ultimately, this will give China an upper hand.

Sinister forces at work

The common thread binding these cases is a form of neo-Luddite eco-fascism. There is a liberal mixture of conspiracy theories and anti-Semitism. Islamist organisations in South India have been preaching anti-Semitism to their cadre for several years. There are various cult figures operating in the state to incite the mobs. They cultivate a fear of technology among the locals in a significant way.

An example is ‘Healer Baskar’. He sees the world in conspiracies. Vaccination is a conspiracy. Cartoon channels are a conspiracy. Pharmaceuticals are a conspiracy. Demonetisation is – of course – a conspiracy. Dr Abdul Kalam’s death is a conspiracy. This man has a Youtube channel with 66,600 subscriptions and 1,532 videos uploaded. (No occult conspiracy here.)

In one of his ‘viral’ videos, he speaks about how Israel is actually controlling the whole world while keeping itself insulated. “All Illuminati families come from Israel. In Israel, there is no vaccination. In Israeli TV, there are no cartoons. But they spread all these evils in other nations. In Israel, if you want to start a business, you should prove to the government that you can cheat people. In Israeli schools, children are taught in the art of deceit.” A particular video clip of this talk uploaded by one Muhammad Salim has 22,600 views.

This sustained hate campaign has brought various forces together. Often the euphemistic term used in the left-Islamist circles is ‘corporate interests’. While anti-Brahminism was open and explicit (‘Brahminical forces colluding with neo-Imperialist forces’ is the standard radical slogan in Tamil Nadu), anti-Semitism is becoming increasingly explicit as well. For example, Protocols of Zion was published by a Tamil publishing house (Adayalam) a few years ago, which was till then publishing novels of controversial writer and left-wing activist Perumal Murugan.

So, what one sees today with the neo-Luddite Tamil separatist demonstrations occurring with tacit support of Islamist and evangelist elements is the culmination of a sustained campaign that is both unscientific and filled with hate. Add to this the popularity-seekers and intentional mischief-mongers in Tamil Nadu’s cinema industry.

Mohan C Lazarus has cultivated a team of Tamil cine artists as evangelical weapons. Amir, a young film director, has been a supporter of Tamil Nadu Thowheed Jamath (TNTJ), a radical Islamist movement. He provided the fundamentalist outfit with inside information whenever he thought Islam was in danger in Tamil media. Today, he is a prominent personality fanning the Tamil nationalist sentiment and raising a voice against industrial projects in the state.

What’s significant is that these well-planned ‘spontaneous’ protests – which are mostly based on rumours, misunderstanding, scientific illiteracy and racial hatred – serve multiple objectives for the ‘Breaking India’ forces. They create a sense of injustice and exploitation among Tamils where none exist, weakening India in global competition by creating hurdles in the utilisation of natural resources, providing a model for other regions as to how the coming together of evangelical, Marxist and Islamist forces can stall any project in India.

Fortunately, not all of Tamil Nadu is Chennai. While these forces can exert influence in the Chennai media and pockets of Tamil Nadu, the vast majority of Tamil population is still alien to this hate campaign.

But that should not be a reason for complacency. Without a vigorous counter to this vicious campaign, Tamil Nadu may become a Luddite fundamentalist haven for the Marxist-Islamist-evangelist axis.

https://swarajyamag.com/politics/raise-the-alarm-why-are-industrial-and-scientific-projects-leaving-tamil-nadu


New airport network. Kudos to NaMo’s team

March 31, 2017

network will cover the whole country, giving a major economic boost to hinterland areas. New routes announced today

  1. New routes awarded on 30.03.2017 (5/5)

  2. New routes awarded on 30.03.2017 (4/5)

  3. New routes awarded on 30.03.2017 (3/5)

  4. New routes awarded on 30.03.2017 (2/5)


Itihāsa of Bhāratam Janam: some quotes from S.S. Murdeshwar’s compendium (1953)

March 31, 2017
Manohar Kamath These are just a few from around 11chapters and over 500 quotes by S. S. Murdeshwar, the great scholar written in 1953

CAG protests refusal of access to GSTN data. PC sinister plot says Swamy

March 31, 2017

via —Bravo CAG– GSTN is a corrupt sinister cancerous anti-national construct of PC

CAG protests refusal of access to GSTN data

TNN | Mar 30, 2017, 04.09 AM IST
CAG protests refusal of access to GSTN data
NEW DELHI: The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) has protested with the finance ministry against the Goods and Services Tax Network (GSTN), a special purpose vehicle majority owned by private companies, refusing to give access to taxpayers data on its network for scrutiny and audit.

The GSTN is a private limited company floated to aid the rollout of the new indirect tax regime. The company will provide information technology support to all stakeholders for smooth implementation of the new taxation regime across the country and will be the repository of all information related to taxation and entities registered under GST.

The majority (51%) shareholding in the firm is with private entities including HDFC Bank, ICICI Bank and LIC among others. The central government, jointly with state governments and Union Territories, own 49% in the company.

The federal auditor has asked the finance ministry to give it access to GSTN’s data network after the latter refused to allow the CAG on the ground that it was a non-government company and the auditor could not exercise the same rights as applicable for public enterprises.

The GSTN also argued that it was just a “pass through portal” and that the CAG must approach the Central Board of Excise and Customs and states which would have original data filed by taxpayers. Rejecting GSTN’s contention, the federal auditor said the source of all taxpayers’ data in the GST regime would be with GSTN, ‘being the primary location’ where the data is created. “It is from here that the data is selectively pushed to CBEC and states. It is therefore essential for the CAG to access the data lying at the primary source for performing its constitutional mandate,” the auditor said.

The CAG also contended that the government had “strategic control” in GSTN irrespective of the shareholding pattern. The SPV is performing a part of the statutory function pertaining to revenue collection on behalf of the Centre and states and it could not refuse to give access to information to the auditor.

“This has to be viewed as GSTN performing a part of the statutory functions pertaining to revenue collection on behalf of the Centre and states,” the CAG said.

The auditor has requested the ministry to ensure that it gets access to data maintained on the GSTN portal as well as to its application software, the modalities of which could be worked out later.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/cag-protests-refusal-of-access-to-gstn-data/articleshow/57904086.cms


Silk Road settlements analysed. Such analysis should be done for Maritime Tin Route from Hanoi to Haifa.

March 30, 2017

Nomadic ecology shaped the highland geography of Asia’s Silk Roads 

Michael D. Frachetti1, C. Evan Smith1, Cynthia M. Traub& Tim Williams3

doi:10.1038/nature21696

page1image2864 page1image3024 page1image3184

There are many unanswered questions about the evolution of the ancient ‘Silk Roads’ across Asia. This is especially the case in their mountainous stretches, where harsh terrain is seen as an impediment to travel. Considering the ecology and mobility of inner Asian mountain pastoralists, we use ‘flow accumulation’ modelling to calculate the annual routes of nomadic societies (from 750 m to 4,000 m elevation). Aggregating 500 iterations of the model reveals a high-resolution flow network that simulates how centuries of seasonal nomadic herding could shape discrete routes of connectivity across the mountains of Asia. We then compare the locations of known high-elevation Silk Road sites with the geography of these optimized herding flows, and find a significant correspondence in mountainous regions. Thus, we argue that highland Silk Road networks (from 750 m to 4,000 m) emerged slowly in relation to long-established mobility patterns of nomadic herders in the mountains of inner Asia. 

Editor’s summaryinالعربية

The Silk Road refers to a network of ancient trade routes that have crossed central Asia since time immemorial. But how did it get started? Conventional models usually start by inferring the easiest paths between sites already known to be part of the network. This introduces a circular argument as it biases the results towards what is already known. Here Michael Frachetti and colleagues take a different approach to show that the network emerged from hundreds of years of interactions between pastoralists moving their livestock between higher and lower elevations in response to the seasons in this generally mountainous region. They suggest that the Silk Road network therefore materialized slowly from the long-established, local mobility patterns of nomadic herders. This finding may encourage archaeologists to seek more nuanced explanations for the evolution of ancient connectivity.

http://sci-hub.cc/10.1038/nature21696